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DMI on the 2008 State of the Union: Economy |
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PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS: The economic picture is mixed.
DMI SAYS: “The time to put a positive spin on the economy is long past. For most of America’s current and aspiring middle class, there was no economic recovery during the Bush years: even during the economic peak stagnant wages barely kept up with the rising cost of living. Now, as the economy slumps, unemployment rises, and more middle-class families are at risk of losing both their greatest financial asset and the roof over their heads, Bush must act quickly to head off a greater crisis.” • Economists predict tough economic times in the coming year, but middle-class Americans have been feeling the squeeze for some time. In 2007, prices rose faster than wages, with the cost of middle-class essentials like health care and college tuition soaring particularly high. Why didn’t the President notice sooner? Perhaps because the pain was not felt by everyone: the stock market ended the year up 6.43 percent, while the share of the nation’s total after-tax income going to the top 1% of households reached a record high in 2007. But for the 7 million Americans unemployed, the 47 million uninsured, and the millions of others at risk of foreclosure, there’s no need to look at corporate profit statements to gauge whether the economy is in crisis. • Rising oil prices and a tumbling real estate market represent new strains on the economy. Again it is middle-class Americans struggling to hold on, and low-income workers striving to attain a middle-class standard of living, who have the most to lose. Throughout the purported economic recovery, middle-class homeowners borrowed against the value of their homes to make ends meet. Now that the collapse of the housing market and the tightening of credit have made that more difficult, debt on high-interest credit cards is soaring. It is little surprise that more than 800,000 Americans filed for consumer bankruptcy in 2007, an increase of more than 40 percent from the previous year. • Without a rapid change in course, the worsening middle-class squeeze will be President Bush’s primary economic legacy. Budget-busting tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans alongside cuts to necessary public services; vetoed legislation to extend health coverage to children who can’t afford to see a doctor; support for legislation that made it harder for families facing economic crisis to discharge their debts in bankruptcy; and a Department of Labor that permitted employers to slash overtime pay and bust unions with impunity are among the Bush policy choices that made life more difficult for the nation’s current and aspiring middle class. Relevant Statistics • Number of people unemployed in the United States in 2000 and 2007, respectively: 5,692,000 and 7,078,000 • Approximate percentage change in real hourly and weekly wages in the past 12 months: -1.0 • Average price of gasoline per gallon in 2006, 2007, and 2008 (projected), respectively: $2.58, $2.82, $3.14 • Percentage increase in the cost of tuition and fees at public 4-year colleges since 2000: 84 • Annual percentage decline of home prices in the last 10 months, as recorded in October, 2007: 6.7 • Annual rate at which credit card debt increased in November 2007: 11.3% • Approximate percentage increase in the number of consumer bankruptcy filings in 2007: 40 • Approximate ratio of children living in poverty in the United States: 1 in 5 • Number of Americans who could not afford sufficient food at some point during the course of 2006: 35.5 million Please click the links below for DMI's analysis of the President's proposals in each policy area:
STIMULUS PACKAGE PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS: Congress should act quickly to pass the stimulus package without additional spending.
DMI SAYS: “The middle-class will benefit from a stimulus package that efficiently boosts the economy and helps those hardest hit by the economic downturn. Instead the President promotes ideological pet projects that drain needed resources. Although the temporary tax rebates are likely to be successful at stimulating consumer demand, research shows that tax cuts for business investment are not a very effective means of economic stimulus. A host of other policies, including extending and expanding unemployment benefits, are priorities that far from ‘loading up the bill’ would have provided much greater ‘bang for the buck’ and done far more to help those in need than the business tax cuts.” • An effective economic stimulus package must quickly direct money to those who will stimulate the most short-term economic growth. This makes the tax rebates effective, if the checks can be sent quickly. Cash-strapped middle-class and aspiring middle-class Americans are more likely than wealthier people to spend the money they receive immediately, rather than saving it. The short-term boost to consumer spending is just what the economy needs during a downturn. The spending increases consumer demand, prompting increased production and economic expansion. • The one-time tax rebate approved by the House of Representatives will provide money to current and aspiring middle-class Americans, regardless of whether they owe income taxes. The rebates will be phased out for higher-income households. By contrast, the rebate Bush administration officials had originally proposed would have given no money at all to families of four making less than $24,900 even though these families pay payroll and sales taxes and would be hard hit by an economic downturn. Even middle-class families making about $41,000 would not have been eligible for the full rebate amount under the Administration’s original plan, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. • Research demonstrates that a temporary tax rebate could generate GDP growth of 1.2% by the third quarter of 2008, and that policies providing tax rebates to all Americans are at least 6 times more effective in stimulating the economy than incentives for business investment. Offering tax incentives for business investment frequently fails to generate substantial economic growth because many businesses use the tax cuts for investments they already planned to undertake anyway, costing the public lost revenue but creating no additional economic activity. • To be most effective, economic stimulus should have a rapid impact on the economy. Yet it takes considerable time for businesses to make new investments and for investments to result in increased employment or purchasing. The lag time is a considerable drawback for this means of stimulus. • The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities points out that business incentives harm state budgets, since state and federal tax codes are linked. Many states are already facing a revenue crunch due to the economic downturn and, unlike the federal government, they cannot run budget deficits. The result could be cuts in state and local services that middle-class Americans rely on, from education to road maintenance to public safety. • Economists find many types of economic stimulus more effective than incentives for business investment. For example, President Bush should call for strengthening unemployment benefits, a policy that particularly helps current and aspiring middle-class Americans unlucky enough to be laid off. Unemployment is already on the rise and it takes longer to find work during an economic downturn when jobs are scarce, so extended and expanded benefits are needed. People who are out of work tend to spend nearly all of the money they receive in government benefits very quickly, providing the quick jolt to consumer spending that the economy needs. Far from being “unnecessary spending,” as the President calls it, extending unemployment benefits is one of the most effective stimulus measures yet conceived. • Congressional leaders and President Bush could also consider several other economic stimulus measures that target aspiring middle-class and middle-class Americans. Food stamp payments could be increased very quickly, aiding very needy Americans who would stimulate the economy immediately by spending the money they no longer need to put towards food; home heating credits would ease the burden on current and aspiring middle-class families trying to pay high energy bills, freeing up cash that can be spent on other necessities; and federal aid to state governments would offset revenue shortfalls, preventing cuts in state spending on programs like health care and education that benefit the middle class. Relevant Statistics: • Maximum amount the proposed rebate would provide to an individual taxpayer: $600. • Additional amount for every child: $300. • Income amount at which the rebate would begin to phase out for married couples: $150,000. • Amount of stimulus produced for every $1 in tax cuts targeted to low-income households, according to Economy.com: $1.19. • Amount of stimulus produced for every $1 in tax cuts provided through a business investment writeoff policy, a previous Bush Administration effort to increase business investment: $0.24. • Amount of stimulus produced for every $1 spent on extending emergency federal unemployment insurance benefits: $1.73. • Amount of stimulus produced for every $1 spent on state government aid: $1.24. • Number of different stimulus policies implemented under President Bush that were more effective per public dollar than business investment incentives, according to an Economy.com study: 7. • Minimum amount of revenue states are projected to lose as a result of the investment incentives, according to the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities: $4 billion. • Percentage of businesses in a 2006 survey that said that bonus depreciation, a type of investment incentive implemented in the past, was an important factor in their decisions about investment level or timing: 10.
PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS: We must make the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts permanent.
DMI SAYS: “No matter what the economic situation, President Bush insists that tax cuts for the highest income households are the answer. However, these extremely costly tax cuts have done little to strengthen the economy so far, and a permanent tax windfall for the wealthy would fail the middle class by dramatically worsening deficits while providing little economic stimulus.” • Making President Bush’s tax cuts permanent would not promote economic growth or alleviate the current financial strain felt by middle-class Americans. According to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, an economic stimulus package should be timely in order to address a looming crisis, should provide financial incentives to the households and businesses that are most likely to spend, and should be short-term so that budget deficits don’t balloon. The tax cuts are in no way timely: they will already remain in effect through 2010, so there is no direct taxpayer effect until 2011. The cuts have precisely the wrong target: they primarily hit a narrow and wealthy slice of the population that is particularly unlikely to spend the money quickly.. Finally, the tax cuts make permanent an economic strategy that has consistently increased the budget deficit, an unsustainable situation that puts the financial future of the middle class at risk. • President Bush’s tax cuts let the nation’s wealthiest individuals off the hook, leaving middle-class Americans increasingly responsible for the cost of needed public services. Millionaires receive tax cuts in the hundreds of thousand of dollars, but the aspiring middle class and the middle class receive little. While the top 20% of earners received two-thirds of the benefit from the President’s tax cuts in 2007, the middle 20% of earners received only 11% and the lowest 20% less than 1%. • President Bush’s tax cuts did little to help the nation recover from the last recession. In fact, they coincided with an economic recovery that was weaker than those in the past. Previous recoveries stimulated larger increases in employment, wages and salaries, GDP, consumption, investment, and net worth that were beneficial to the middle class; the recovery President Bush oversaw stimulated only larger increases in corporate profits. An analysis of economic cycles by the Economic Policy Institute demonstrates that the 1990s recovery that included tax hikes produced a 10.2% increase in employment, while the recovery period coinciding with the President’s tax cuts yielded an increase of only 4.1%. Previous recoveries that did not include tax cuts – and that even included tax increases – were much better for the American middle class. • President Bush claims that immediate extension of his tax cuts would alleviate economic uncertainty by ensuring a consistent tax rate beyond 2010. Yet, middle-class Americans are struggling to make ends meet now and largely do not make spending decisions about everyday necessities based on what the income tax rate will be three years down the road. Middle-class Americans will not benefit from the certainty of future tax cuts that overwhelmingly benefit the wealthy who can afford to make current financial decisions based on the expectation of higher or lower taxes. • President Bush also claims that extension of his tax cuts will prevent tax increases on small businesses that generate new jobs. The truth is, only 1.5% of small businesses would be subject to increases in the top two tax rates when the President’s tax cuts expire. Additionally, the Congressional Budget Office found that there is little evidence that making President Bush’s tax cuts permanent now would result in small business investment activity that would produce significant short-term economic stimulus. • While some have argued that the tax cuts need to be made permanent because not doing so would in effect be a tax hike, we think that type of circular reasoning is ultimately vacuous. You do not make permanent a mistake. Relevant Statistics: • Amount received in 2006 from tax cuts enacted between 2001 and 2006 by the average household in the top .3% with incomes above $1 million dollars: $118,000. • Amount received in 2006 from tax cuts enacted between 2001 and 2006 by the middle 20% of earners: $740. • Percentage of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts that will go to the top 20% of earners and to the bottom 20% of earners if the tax cuts are extended through 2017, respectively: 74 and 0. • Cost of making President Bush’s tax cuts permanent over the next decade (assuming extension of relief for the Alternative Minimum Tax): $3.5 trillion. • Approximate increase in the budget deficit between 2001 and 2006 that resulted from President Bush’s 2001 and 2003 tax cuts: $1.2 trillion. • Ratio of this number to the total increase in the budget deficit: 1/2. • Cumulative increase in employment during the first six years of the economic recoveries in the 1990s (with tax increases) and the 2000s (with the Bush tax cuts), respectively: 10.2% and 4.1%. • Percentage of small businesses that would be subject to increases in the two top tax rates if President Bush’s tax cuts expire: 1.5
PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS: Pass trade agreements with Colombia, Panama and South Korea and renew trade promotion authority.
DMI SAYS: “More NAFTA-style trade deals may be at the top of Corporate America’s agenda, but they aren’t a priority for the nation’s middle class. Most Americans already see their wages and benefits constrained by the intense global competition that exists today. At the same time, middle-class consumers are threatened by dangerous products imported from abroad with little oversight. We need a fundamentally different model of trade, in which the benefits don’t just flow to a small elite, but help to grow the middle-class in the U.S. and throughout the world.” • Increased international trade can contribute to economic growth, but the way trade rules are formulated in NAFTA-style agreements like the proposed deals with Colombia, Panama, and South Korea means that the benefits of trade are distributed unevenly, ultimately undermining the middle class and aspiring middle class in both the U.S. and the nations it trades with. • A central problem is that these trade agreements empower businesses and investment capital to cross international borders more easily, providing a decisive advantage over working people who are not so internationally mobile and whose rights are not equally well protected in all of the nations covered by the agreement. This imbalance of power creates incentives to move U.S. jobs overseas and puts downward pressure on the wages of American workers as they are placed in more direct competition with poorly-paid, disempowered workers in the developing countries we trade with. • Workers who actually lose their jobs are the hardest hit by unfair trade. Economists estimate that while about one million new U.S. jobs were created as a result of NAFTA, another two million have been lost due to the deal. Additional trade agreements could be expected to multiply these job cuts. • With today’s improved communications technology, it is no longer just manufacturing work that is vulnerable to being sent overseas. Any work that can be done remotely, from accounting, to analyzing x-rays, to computer programming, can be performed more cheaply outside the U.S. Many of these are jobs that require advanced training and higher education – a college degree is no longer sufficient to protect American workers from the job instability and wage cuts that result from increased international competition. • Poorly regulated international trade also hurts middle-class consumers. While the prices of imported consumer goods may be low, the middle-class pays when they are exposed to contaminated seafood from abroad, children’s toys coated in potentially deadly lead paint, and a host of other poorly-regulated imported foods and consumer products. U.S. oversight of imported goods has not yet caught up to the existing volume of international trade. • There is also reason for concern about the specific countries these pending trade deals have been negotiated with. Colombia is renowned for keeping its wages low through violence – more union organizers have been murdered in Colombia than anywhere else in the world. Panama, meanwhile, is an international haven for tax evasion and money laundering. The proposed trade deal would make it easier for U.S. companies to dodge their tax obligations by setting up Panamanian subsidies. • It’s worth noting that none of these trade agreements are really “free”: they include thousands of arcane rules protecting the profits of multinational corporations, the interests of investors, and the patents of drug companies, for example. Rather than passing these agreements, Congress should insist that they be renegotiated to benefit middle-class workers and consumers, as well as the environment and the desperate working people in the nations we trade with. • It is particularly ironic that Bush touts his support for trade adjustment assistance when he threatened to veto a bill that would have expanded the program. While assisting workers displaced by trade is no substitute for building an economy based on fair trade, it would have been a helpful reform. • Truly fair trade agreements should include provisions that: protect internationally recognized labor rights and environmental standards with the same enforcement mechanisms as investor rights; protect against currency manipulation; do not restrict federal, state or local governments’ procurement choices, including the ability to favor local producers; do not grant special dispute-settlement privileges to foreign investors; and safeguard governments’ ability to establish consumer, environmental and workplace regulations. • Beyond the agreements themselves, domestic policy reforms are needed to help the U.S. compete more fairly and effectively in the global arena. Policies like universal health care, strengthened labor rights and enforcement, stronger import inspection standards, and closing tax loopholes that prevent off-shoring help middle-class Americans to thrive in a globalized world. Relevant Statistics: • Net loss to the typical middle-class American household, with two earners making the nation’s median wage, due to trade in 2006: $2,000. • Estimated net number of U.S. jobs displaced due to NAFTA during its first decade in effect: 1,015,291. • Percentage of all U.S.-owned manufacturing production currently located overseas: 50%. • Percentage of today’s American jobs that could potentially be sent overseas, according to the Economic Policy Institute: 18% to 22%. • Minimum number of workers with a four-year college degree or more whose jobs could be sent overseas: 8 million. • Increase in the U.S. trade deficit since November 2006 a year earlier: $4.7 billion. • Wages of the average manufacturing worker displaced by trade in their original job and their new job, respectively: $40,154 and $32,123. • Minimum number of hazardous children’s toys manufactured in China recalled by Mattel Corp. in August 2007: 9,500,000.
PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS: Through HOPE NOW mortgage lenders and servicers have agreed to freeze interest rates for up to five years at their introductory rate. The HOPE NOW alliance has also agreed to move eligible borrowers into an FHASecure loan or help them refinance an existing loan into a new private mortgage. In addition, the Administration has proposed allowing cites and States to issue tax-exempt mortgages to refinance existing loans. These are effective ways to deliver financial relief to borrowers with adjustable rate subprime mortgages.
DMI SAYS: “The President has rightly focused on the need to refinance and modify abusive subprime mortgages. Millions of homeowners with subprime adjustable rate mortgages have already experienced or will soon experience payment shock when their interest rates rise dramatically. Significant loan modification – changing the terms or the amount of the loan to make it affordable – is the only viable option for many homeowners. Unfortunately, the President’s plan to fix subprime rates excludes the vast majority of subprime borrowers and thus will not be available to perhaps millions of mortgage borrowers whose rates have already reset, or will reset in the future. Any federal effort to address the subprime and foreclosure crisis must also include structural reform of the mortgage industry so that middle class homeowners are not targeted by discriminatory and predatory lending practices in the future. • The HOPE NOW rate fixing plan arbitrarily excludes borrowers whose introductory rates expire before January 1st 2008. Hundreds of thousands of borrowers who received adjustable rate mortgages in 2005 and before will not be eligible. More than $50 billion dollars worth of subprime loans reset at higher rates in the final quarter of 2007 alone. Pushing back the qualifying expiration date for introductory rates would enable the plan to include many more borrowers who were targeted by the recent generation of predatory subprime loans. • The plan will not cover many different forms of abusive subprime loans such as “Option” ARMS, “No Doc”/”Low Doc” loans and “piggyback” mortgages that will also confront borrowers with exploding payment resets over the coming years. These products should be targeted in any plan to fix subprime rates. • President Bush should have expanded and improved on the recommendation made by Sheila Bair, chairman of the FDIC, who in October 2007 proposed a plan that would have permanently frozen rates on all 2/8 and 3/27 subprime loans in cases where the borrower has been making timely payments. But, even at lower interest rates, a new loan at the full payoff amount will still be too large and unaffordable to many homeowners. In other instances, either because the home was over appraised or has simply gone down in value, refinancing is not an option for many homeowners because the amount they owe is larger than the actual value of the home. • This plan is purely voluntary; it is up to mortgage servicers and investors to decide if they want to participate and modify subprime loans. Given the fact that most servicers are prone to pursue foreclosure rather than modify loans, the federal government must provide strong incentives for servicers to modify unaffordable subprime loans. So far, the Administration has shown no interest in doing this. • Borrowers must be current on their mortgage to qualify for the plan. A fairer plan would recognize that borrowers have often fallen behind because of predatory practices. • The President should support the Homeownership and Preservation Act of 2007 which would: create a federal standard for lenders to ensure that mortgages are affordable and suit the needs of the borrower; prevent brokers from steering borrowers to more expensive loans; avoid the overriding of state laws while giving state governments more power to enforce laws; and hold mortgage holder liable for illegal practices. Relevant Statistics: • Approximate percentage of all subprime borrowers who currently are delinquent on their payments: 22. • Percentage of subprime borrowers who will be helped by the President’s plan to freeze mortgage rates, according to the Center for Responsible Lending: 7. • Number of homeowners with teaser rates that are scheduled to jump 30% or more over the next two years: 2,000,000. • Percentage of these homeowners who could lose their homes according to federal officials: 25. • Percentage of subprime loans that had reset through July 2007 that had been modified to help borrowers make payments, according to a survey conducted by Moody’s Investor Service: 1.
PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS: Congress should modernize the Federal Housing Administration and reform Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae.
DMI SAYS: These are common-sense steps that will genuinely help many middle-class families keep their homes. • The Federal Housing Administration provides mortgage insurance that protects lenders against loss, thus encouraging more lenders to extend credit to people who might otherwise find it difficult to secure a mortgage. Currently there are limits on the size of mortgages that can be insured by FHA and these limits have not kept pace with rising real estate prices. Bringing these limits in line with the current housing market is key to creating viable refinance options for middle-class Americans who have been targeted by predatory loan practices and are trapped in unaffordable adjustable rate mortgages and other abusive loan products. • Given how high home prices have risen in recent years, especially in regions like New York and California, resetting the FHA insurance limit of $729,750 is necessary. • When lenders have the ability to sell mortgages on the secondary market they have the means to readily refinance mortgages and help ordinary homeowners escape unaffordable loans. Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae can help expand the secondary market. However, current limits on the size of mortgages that meet Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae standards potentially preclude hundreds of thousands of refinanced mortgages from being sold on the secondary market. FHA modernization must be accompanied by Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae modernization which will expand the conforming loan limit and enable Freddie Mac and Fannie to buy mortgages up to $730,000. Relevant Statistics: • Percentage by which sales of single-family homes fell in 2007: 13, the largest amount in 25 years. • Percentage by which construction on new homes fell in December 2007: 14, the slowest building pace in more than 16 years. • Before 2007, length of time since annual home prices fell: 40 years. • Medium home price in California: $597,640. Go to the next section: Budget DMI on the 2008 State of the Union The DMI StaffJanuary 28, 2008
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